We live in economically perilous times so it's a rarity when a new industry is launched and becomes instantly successful. But that's what's happened with the Barack Obama Deconstruction industry. The punditocracy, blogosphere and political class have all weighed in 24/7.
Will Obama betray his progressive base? Does his appointment of Clinton administration veterans and extension of an olive branch to McCain-supporting and Obama-bashing Joe Lieberman testify to his embrace of the "America is a center-right nation" narrative that conservatives desperately wish for? Or, is he cleverly channeling Don Corleone's wisdom to "Keep your friends close and your enemies closer," and going one step further--- getting his rivals in the Democratic Party to implement his possibly more leftish policies. (In Lieberman's case, there might also be an echo of Louisiana Governor Huey Long's strategically using ex-convicts as personal assistants. Owing all to Long, their loyalty could be counted on. Only Obama's forgiveness saved Lieberman from banishment from the Democratic caucus and he's been a loyal lapdog for the President-elect ever since).
To deal with my own confusion on the matter I decided belatedly to read Obama's first book, Dreams from My Father, published in 1995 at a time when he certainly wasn't seriously contemplating running for the presidency. It may, therefore, represent a more authentic guide to his approach to politics and social policy than his 2006 book, The Audacity of Hope, or speeches on the campaign trail. Of course, Obama's life has changed so much since Dreams was written, a time before he entered government as a state legislator, became a U.S. Senator and ran succesfully for the White House. Perhaps his ever-widening social circle, specifically his greater contacts with economic and political elites, and new intellectual influences, have fundamentally changed his world-view. But, his unique background for a President-elect still should at least inform the way he processes new experiences and acquaintances.
What seems clear from reading his autobiography is that Obama is someone who is deeply aware, by personal experience and education, of gaping inequities within American society and the even greater ones that exist in the Third World. He is also cognizant of the role that American foreign policy has played in supporting those who tyrannize their own people, whether it be the Shah of Iran or Suharto of Indonesia.
Although, while campaigning, Obama would often refer to his "mother from Kansas" as if to conjure up an image of a cooking-baking home-maker with no political leanings, his mother was actually very sympathetic to the emerging civil rights and peace movements, anti-colonial struggles and problems of underdevelopment in Africa and Asia. His Kenyan father had similar proclivities and first-hand experience as a colonial subject.
Obama also lived in Indonesia as a small child during the early days of the pro- U.S Suharto regime which massacred as many as half a million supporters of his predecessor, a non-aligned nationalist. Obama witnessed his once confident Indonesian step-father cower in the face of political repression against those suspected of being disloyal to the new strongman.
As a rare black youth growing up in Hawaii with a white mother and grandparents he assimililated mainstream culture, but also recognized that he was different, and viewed as such, within his generally very accepting peer group. Several disturbing incidents, as well as awareness of the civil rights struggles on the mainland, nurtured a growing need to find a viable identity as a black man---not a biracial one. This quest accelerated when he went to Los Angeles and New York to attend colleges in cities with large, diverse and vibrant politically black communities.
Obama was an undergraduate in the 70s when many veterans of 60s activism became academics and re-shaped the social sciences and humanities. He was surely exposed by professors and fellow students to Marxism, feminist thought and the various strands of black nationalism and radicalism.
In Dreams from My Father Obama shows how he managed during his student days and afterward to peacefully co-exist with all the strands of black consciousness, while never fully embracing any. He remained committed, often against his instincts, to universalism and integration as opposed to identity politics and nationalism. Yet, Obama saw black nationalism as an effective psychological defense against recalcitrant white racism and a useful tool for political mobilization. What he consistently eschewed are mere words---rhetoric---ironic for someone whose own eventual meteoric political rise owed so much to that. Effectiveness is what concerned him.
He also understood, early on, that it was necessary to avoid the persona of the "angry black man" in order to make his way in the larger society. Being polite invariably put white people at ease.
Obama's work as community organizer in Chicago after leaving New York gave him a practical education in the limits of coalition building---just because two groups should have common interests doesn't mean they perceive them or are willing to focus on what unites them. Specifically, race often trumps class solidarity even in the face of economic hardship. If there is little hope, for example, of dramatic success for a grand coalition---white and black working class struggling to save factories that once employed both---better to look out for number one. The lesson Obama may have learned is that it's difficult to ask people to exert energy in behalf of goals they perceive as pie in the sky.
Obama came to realize the importance of movements from below---mobilizing anger for social change---but also their limits. He understood that insurgents in democratic socities need motivated and effective allies in the corridors of power to bring about rapid societal reform.
One of the experiences that has not been mentioned by pundits, but Obama clearly notes, was the untimely death of Harold Washington. Washington, Chicago's first black mayor and a charismatic reformer, might well have formed a symbiotic relationship with community organizers like Obama. His death occurred early in his tenure when he was moving carefully with an eye towards long-term institutional change. Washington assumed he would be in office for a long time and did not have to fast-track reforms.
The current debate over whether Obama will be inclined to move swiftly or deliberately to institute his vision might be better informed if the lessons he learned from Harold Washington's unexpectedly brief tenure is factored in. The economic crisis itself might compell rapid implementation of policies aimed at recovery, but perhaps, reflecting on Washington's fate, Obama will feel that he cannot assume he has eight or even four years to institute reforms in other arenas as well.
Although a long-time smoker, at 47 Obama probably doesn't have to worry about sudden death from cardiac arrest if he plans to serve two terms. On the other hand, the fear of assassination by a racist or someone convinced he is a secret Muslim terrorist sympathizer or the anti-Christ---widely disseminated assertions in viral emails during the campaign---should not be discounted. Obama probably has already received more death threats and hate mail than any other President-elect, if not all others put together. Perhaps that is one reason why he has assembled massive task forces to examine and evaluate every nook and cranny of government policy so he can hit the ground running on January 20, 2009. He may try to mobilize his supporters---connected by text messages and youtube---to push from below against congressional and media resistance to his programs.
Obama's decision to work quickly or with caution on issues other than economic recovery might also be affected by his unusually high approval ratings in polls. On November 6 the respected Rasmussen Poll indicated a 52-44 percent spread between those who approved of him and those who didn't. Six weeks later it has grown to 69-29. This is political capital he can spend. By 2010, after mid-term elections, he might, if history is a guide, have fewer supporters in the public and allies in the congress. But maybe he will show once again that history can be rewritten.
Still, the question remains, what is Obama's vision? On the basis of Dreams from My Father I would imagine he will try to move the U.S. closer to the kind of social democracy found in Western Europe, bolster labor unions and worker protections, rely less on military force than diplomacy and economic aid in foreign policy. He also believes in the rule of law and should seek to reverse Bush Administration's practices which border on or embrace criminality (e.g., illegal wiretaps, contravention of the Geneva Accords regarding torture).
Obama's experience as a community organizer and law professor might also conduct a massive "adult education" offensive---speaking directly to the public on a regular basis to let them understand what and why he is doing something. But Dreams also suggests that while Obama's goals are to empower the citizenry and provide more safety nets and opportunities he is open to a variety of suggestions regarding how this can be done and committed to trial and error experimentation along the way. He is, above all, results oriented and perhaps that is a major reason why he has generally chosen cabinet officials and advisors who are billed as extremely competent nuts and bolts operatives rather than visionaries. Obama himself, as he has said, will supply the vision. The danger is that his appointments, with rare exceptions such as the new Secretary of Labor, Hilda Solis,are small bore actors and that, unless he can find the time to consider groundbreaking policies by tapping sources of wisdom and innovation beyond that of his appointees, his presidency may fall well short of the greatness many expect of him.
Specifically, the Obama of Dreams is a voracious reader with far-ranging tastes and unusual curiosity. He also enjoys encountering people from a wide spectrum of humanity and who hold great diversity of opinion. But Obama is not a twenty-something student, community organizer or informal world traveller anymore. As president, his unscripted time will be severely truncated, he will simultaneously have to deal with a myriad of issues, and his access to a diversity of people and perspectives may be minimal. Before he could relax by reading and playing basketball. Now he might have to choose between the two or do less of both.
The wild card in all speculation are the historical crises Obama will inherit, which may require---out of trial and error---an unprecedented transformation of U.S. economic, political and social life. After all, neither Lincoln nor FDR thought of themselves or were "radicals" when they entered the White House. Obama's biography suggests a greater capacity for it than theirs did, but even if his political ideology is now more centrist than Dreams might suggest, his embrace of pragmatism---what works---might lead him leftward gain. We shall see soon enough.
Postscript: February 6, 2009
It is too early, of course, to answer any of the important questions about Obama's course, but there are a few signs worth noting. First, as I hoped, he seems to understand that his ability to communicate directly with the citizenry---counter-acting the mainstream media tropes (i.e. wisdom comes from the center at all times) and predilections (e.g., focus on soundbites, drama, playing stenographer to politicians instead of investigating the truth of their claims) is essential for bringing dramatic social reform
Second, Obama seems to be inclined to appoint special envoys (e.g. George Mitchell to the Mid East) to solve problems rather than allow cabinet appointees to try their hand. This suggests his cabinet officials may be utilized more for carrying out routine functions than setting policy. This should reassure those on the left that having a center-right cabinet will not necessarily mean a center-right agenda.
Finally, it appears as if bi-partisanship is more of an Obama strategy of cooptation and less an end in itself. He will listen to many viewpoints, and is open to changing his opinions, but does not accept the idea that compromise in itself trumps choosing the best approach to problem-solving.
Finally, on a lighter note, I hope sending Henry Kissinger on a secret mission to negotiate with the Russians on nuclear proliferation was at least partially motivated by a desire his plane might crash or be forced to land in some country where he could promptly be arrested an hauled before a war crimes tribunal.
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